OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024)
98
INTERPRETING INDONESIAN NETIZEN RESPONSE TOWARDS
PUTIN’S MASCULINITIES IN THE RUSSIAN INVASION
FROM A GENDER PERSPECTIVE
DIAS PABYANTARA SWANDITA MAHAYASA
dias.pabyantara@unsoed.ac.id
International Relations Lecturer, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman (Indonesia). His research
interest revolves around gender and social movement issues. He also serves as a managing
director of the Center for Identity and Urban Studies.
BIMANTORO KUSHARI PRAMONO
bimantoro.kusharipramono@lecturer.paramadina.ac.id
International Relations Lecturer, Universitas Paramadina (Indonesia). His research interest is
mainly in the digital diplomacy field.
Abstract
Since Putin executed his invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, it has generated various
responses in the real world and on social media. Among the most active users worldwide,
Indonesian netizens contribute significantly to social media debates. It is intriguing since the
past pattern indicates that Indonesian social media seldom generate a massive response to
international affairs issues, especially those unrelated to Indonesia. However, in the case of
Putin's Invasion, the Indonesian netizens behaved out of pattern by reproducing extensive
narratives to support Russia's invasion by glorifying Putin's masculine side. In this paper, we
trace how the narrative glorifying Putin's masculinities is constructed within Indonesian
netizens' responses by interpreting Twitter data right after the first Russian attack from
February 2022 to March 2022. Further, we also explain under what conditions the narratives
emerge. We found that the narrative created two different patterns: the first pattern radiated
romanticizing Putin's machoism aspect and, at the same time, feminizing the Indonesian
government. We then argue that the supporting narratives are linked with how Indonesian
gender relations are imbued with hegemonic masculinity products of the past Indonesian
colonialism that shaped the praise for the hegemonic masculinity point of view.
Keywords
Russia, Ukraine, Indonesia Netizen, Putin, Masculinity.
Resumo
Desde que Putin executou a sua invasão da Ucrânia, em 24 de fevereiro de 2022, gerou várias
reações no mundo real e nas redes sociais. Entre os utilizadores mais ativos a nível mundial,
os internautas indonésios contribuem significativamente para os debates nas redes sociais. É
intrigante, uma vez que o padrão anterior indica que as redes sociais indonésias raramente
geram uma resposta maciça a questões sobre assuntos internacionais, especialmente as que
não estão relacionadas com a Indonésia. No entanto, no caso da invasão de Putin, os
internautas indonésios comportaram-se fora do padrão, reproduzindo narrativas extensas
para apoiar a invasão da Rússia, glorificando o lado masculino de Putin. Neste artigo, traçamos
a narrativa que glorifica a masculinidade de Putin e como é construída nas respostas dos
internautas indonésios, interpretando os dados do Twitter logo após o primeiro ataque russo
de fevereiro de 2022 a março de 2022. Além disso, também explicamos em que condições as
narrativas emergem. Descobrimos que a narrativa criou dois padrões diferentes: o primeiro
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
99
irradiava a romantização do aspeto machista de Putin e, ao mesmo tempo, a feminização do
governo indonésio. Em seguida, argumentamos que as narrativas de apoio estão ligadas à
forma como as relações de género indonésias estão imbuídas de produtos de masculinidade
hegemónica do passado colonialismo indonésio que moldaram o elogio do ponto de vista da
masculinidade hegemónica.
Palavras chave
Rússia, Ucrânia, internauta indonésio, Putin, Masculinidade.
How to cite this article
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa; Bimantoro Kushari Pramono (2023). Interpreting Indonesian
Netizen Response Towards Putin’s Masculinities in the Russian Invasion from a Gender Perspective.
Janus.net, e-journal of international relations, Vol14 N2, November 2023-April 2024. Consulted
[online] in date of last view, https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.14.2.4
Article received on March 16, 2023 and accepted on September 20, 2023
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
100
INTERPRETING INDONESIAN NETIZEN RESPONSE TOWARDS
PUTIN’S MASCULINITIES IN THE RUSSIAN INVASION
FROM A GENDER PERSPECTIVE
DIAS PABYANTARA SWANDITA MAHAYASA
BIMANTORO KUSHARI PRAMONO
Introduction
The relationship between public response toward other countries' foreign policy has never
been studied comprehensively. At the same time, it might provide a luminous pathway
to understanding the curve of public opinion and reshaping foreign policy, primarily how
they are related in the social media sphere. We delve into the matter by scrutinizing how
Indonesian netizens responded to the Russian invasion. It is an intriguing event due to
the fact that international affairs seldom generate broad responses among the Indonesian
public, except for the Palestine issues (Nasution, 2018). The “insensitivity” towards
foreign affairs is presumably related to the domestically focused foreign policy instead of
outward-looking (Rosyidin, 2017). However, it indicates that momentous international
affairs can affect others, even in an “insensitive” to foreign affairs society like Indonesia,
if the narratives hit a societal nerve. In this case, it is Putin’s masculine traits in Russia's
invasion of Ukraine. In addition, Indonesia also prepared to conduct a G20 meeting,
which Russia and Ukraine are scheduled to attend. Hence, it was important for the
Indonesian government to participate to defuse the tension by first knowing where the
public stands. With both aspects going on, we consider Indonesia a perfect example to
exercise the relations between public opinion in international affairs and the masculinities
projection of another state.
Vladimir Putin's masculinity has been widely discussed since Russia's attack on Ukraine
occurred in early 2022. It also sparks debates on how the individual leader has affected
foreign policy decision-making. On one side, scholarly arguments were built around the
personal ambition to unite all Russian speakers, especially to counter injustice motives
over Russia in the post-Cold War era (Hunter, 2022). On the other hand, a more material
approach to the conflict emerged and constructed an argument regarding The West and
Russia rivalry. Here, we contribute to the dialectic by analyzing Putin's agency in the
decision-making structure.
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
101
From this point of view, Putin's masculinity has been his trademark since he stepped into
office. Putin's regime has increasingly relied on very conventional gender and sexual
norms by "remasculinize" his image and using a masculine persona to increase Russia's
image in the post-Cold War era (Sperling et al., 2022). Some of his articulation is to
dissimulate authoritarianism as masculine and democracy as feminine. Russian media
also adopted the strict black-and-white enunciation of gender nuance in portraying
Ukraine's first pro-democracy revolution in 2004 and Putin's response to Georgia Rose's
revolution in 2003. Further, some academics refer to Putin's behavior as "hyper-
masculine performances, "resembling an action consciously taken to produce a specific
public performance. He often articulates the notion of masculinity by posing shirtless
while riding horses, petting tigers, firing big guns, and doing martial arts for the cameras,
which have become an inherent part of his brand (Grouard, 2022).
By far, his articulation of masculinity is often portrayed as a power play. A "hegemonic
project" deeply rooted in gender dominance by overusing masculine symbols can be
linked to the Russian image as a strong country (Wood, 2016). The common association
of leadership masculinities finds a strong presence in wartime. The relationship between
masculinities and war is either causal or constitutive (Hutchings 2008). On one account,
masculinity remains a crucial ingredient in a war. On another account, the social practice
of war manifests a constitutive redefinition of men's masculinities (Goldstein, 2001). In
short, scholars often constitute masculinities as enabling precondition to war and vice
versa (Elshtain, 1995; Barrett, 2001; Enloe, 2014). The above notion has become a
predominant narrative in a patriarchal cultural realm. Hence, Putin's action to attack
Ukraine works best within the image of a masculine image, which he cast persistently.
The most recent is the war against Ukraine.
While it consistently manifested in Putin's everyday political masculinities, it also
provoked various responses in the real world and social media, especially Twitter. Digital
analysis by Evello (2022) suggested that many Indonesian netizens responded to the
Russian attack on Ukraine in late February 2022. The survey also concluded that Putin's
popularity spiked shortly after he launched the first attack. Our preliminary digital
observation found that Indonesian netizens frequently intonated discussions about
Putin's physics and courage in the war. The pattern is repeatedly shown in Vietnam. The
most salient pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam's cyberspace revolve around justifying
Russia's Invasion of Ukraine, echoing anti-America and anti-imperialist worldviews, and
lionizing Russia while demonizing Ukraine (Ha and Luong, 2022).
Ha and Luong (2022) later argued that Pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam's cyberspace
are the result of cross-pollination between sentimental attachment since the Soviet era,
psychological bias towards Russia embedded in Vietnam's education and propaganda
system, and the overriding imperative to preserve the Vietnamese state's political and
ideological interests. We also found the same pattern happening in Indonesia.
Nevertheless, when we delve into the data details, we find a denoting amount of
masculine tone usage to express the pro-Russian narrative. We depart from this notion
to further investigate the linkage between Putin's masculinities and the pro-Russia
narrative voiced by Indonesian netizens. Here, we employ gender lenses to grasp how
masculinity plays a significant role. We argue that the pro-Russia response developed by
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
102
Indonesia Netizen was a product of a hegemonic masculinities point of view. The sphere
where the narrative emerges favors dominant masculinities over the other gender
expression. We then traced the system of thinking to the Indonesian colonial era, in
which the colonialists instilled unconscious gender ideology.
This research collected Twitter data to understand the netizen's response to the Russian
invasion. Twitter has been chosen because of its ability to explain narratives from users'
tweets (Sadler, 2017). Compared to other picture and video-based social media, Twitter
offers data about actors' interactions and their narratives. Moreover, Twitter also fulfills
a high range of data scalability and is classified as first-party data (acquired from the
user's tweet directly). It helps reveal new patterns of insight into society, politics, and
how information is distributed (Chen, 2018). This research uses Mixed-Method Social
Network Analysis (SNA), which combines Social Network Analysis with a Qualitative
approach to understand connections between actors and their narratives. This method is
used because of the nature of data, called relational data. Relational data involves a
connection between entities (William & Shepherd, 2017).
Regarding Twitter data, relational data can be processed to connect narratives between
Twitter accounts (Pramono, 2023). In this case, the form of relational data is a Twitter
conversation among Indonesia’s netizens as a primary source and a literature review as
a secondary source for data interpretation. Twitter data is collected after Russia employs
its military forces in Ukraine. To be precise, the data collection process is operated from
the end of February 2022 to March 31, 2022. After that, data interpretation is operated
to give another perspective from existing theories and concepts about gender. From
these keywords, we crawled 6280 Twitter content. To ensure the data relevance in Putin's
masculinity context, we cleansed the data by erasing data that does not contain Putin's
masculinity context and choosing data that only discusses the masculinity context. After
the cleaning part was done, we got 642 Twitter interaction data that will be processed
for Network Analysis and Data Interpretation.
The Genealogy of Indonesia Gender Relations
The linkage between colonialism and gender construction lies beneath the notion of
"exotic" and masculine adventure (Enloe, 2014). As it also serves as an underlying
characteristic of masculinities. To become masculine by colonial standards, a man must
subdue and abuse colonized women. Moreover, vice versa, the male colonized must
protect and hinder abuse towards his women to maintain his masculinity (Alloula, 1986).
In this sense, women are seen as subduable objects, which they are attributed to
domestic references such as a worker, sex symbols, and nurturers, which have been
verified as crucial to the entire colonial undertaking (Enloe, 2014). Taking the perspective
of masculinity, one might abruptly say that the majority of masculinity of the oppressed
was sustained by the female's ability to position themselves in the face of colonial rule.
In this sense, the colonial system plays a determining factor in constructing how gender
relations happened. There are two contrasting relations between colonization and
masculinities dominating different cultural realms. The eastern realm, where most
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
103
colonization occurred, tends to have a more dominating sense of masculinity (Connell,
2005). As Connell (2005) later scrutinized, those colonial masculinities gravitate around
dominating those who lack masculine characteristics, such as female and colonized
subjects. It contrasts with the Western realm, where the colonizer primarily resides,
where the masculine manifested in distinguishing males and others through personal
expression. It then manifested in the Dutch colonialization around the 1600-1945s, which
constructed Indonesian gender relations.
The Dutch colonial government actively shaped gender relations by juxtaposing the
native chief and the Dutch administration by differentiating the clothes (Gouda, 2007).
The Dutch administration applies a European-style uniform resembling the army and
covering the entire body. In contrast, the native chief was forced to wear traditional
clothes. Apart from the differentiation, The Dutch colonial administration threw
propaganda by regularly disseminating a comparative picture of both, along with a
degrading message on how effeminate the native chief was compared to the Dutch
officer. The propaganda aims to belittle the native leader and appraise the Dutch officer
as the ideal type of masculinity to read between the lines. Thus, it is safe to argue that
the Dutch colonial era played a significant role in formatting gender roles in Indonesia,
where the masculine were deemed superior to the feminine (Prianti, 2019).
The stratified gender relations between masculine and feminine later settled for the next
hundreds of years. Although it was a byproduct of colonialism, the modern era after
independence in 1945 cannot seem to decolonize the incommensurate gender relations
fully (Chi & Pabyantara, 2022). The predominant narrative of superior masculinities
endures the age of the first two Indonesian presidents, Sukarno and Suharto. In the
Sukarno era, the newly independent society praised the alpha male leader and his image
as a wealthy polygamy practitioner icon (Van Wichelsen, 2009). He successfully glints as
a Javanese alpha male leader with an elegant approach toward women. In the Soekarno
era, there were two significant points of view on how women interact with masculinities.
One entwined the masculine persona, which Sukarno delivered as the highest nation
leader; the other was opposing.
The 1965 coup by the Indonesian Communist Party marked the abrupt transition from
Sokearno to Soeharto. Soeharto, who ruled for 32 years, successfully imposed a
hegemonic masculinity logic where the men perpetuated gender inequality and later took
advantage of unjust relations (Connell, 1987). The regime adopted the bapakism
ideology, which originated from Bapak means father in Indonesian. It is a doctrine that
stipulates colonial masculinity at the center of social and political interaction. Bapak is
enacted as a man who serves as a family leader, business leader, town leader, and
nation-state leader. The God-righteous quality of Bapak is God-given wisdom, self-
control, and mastery of emotion (Nilan, 2009). He articulates the masculinities by
governing his gestures closely with a calm, smiley, and passive attitude. He perceived
masculinity as the glory of Akal, rationality, and self-control over emotions (Peletz,
1995). His long regime period officiated the perspective of masculinities and helped shape
the socialization of superior masculinities nationwide.
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
104
The superior masculinities prevailed until arguably the recent era. A leader in Indonesia
is still associated with masculine traits, such as the glorification of Akal, as it was in the
Soeharto era. Therefore, dominant masculinities' social value still serves as a concealed
paradigm in Indonesia nowadays. It then provides a structure where the narratives can
be translated into tweet posts. In the next session, we presented a series of data
regarding two predominant narratives of netizens' response to the Russian invasion. We
believe that the pro-Russia narrative is a product of the long history of gender and
colonialism affiliation in Indonesia.
The Posture of Netizen Response
For acquiring contextual data about Putin's masculinity from the Twitter conversation,
we employ some keywords for data acquisition, as follows:
Table 1. Data Acquisition Keywords
Keywords
(In Indonesia)
Keywords
(English
Translation)
Context
Putin Tegas
Putin Assertiveness
Putin is a man and a firm leader in leading his troops and firm in
making every decision in his policy.
Putin Kuat
Putin Strong
Putin was a man and a strong leader in forming his troops and
strong enough to make his opponents look weak.
Putin Maskulin
Putin Masculine
Putin is a masculine man, and all the points of view that shape his
figure from a gender perspective.
Putin Suami
Putin Husband
Putin is a man who is dashing and able to protect his wife. (people
make an analogy that Russia seems to be the husband of Ukraine)
Putin Keren
Putin Cool
Putin is a man who looks fantastic with all the sophistication of his
resources and technology.
Putin Cerdas
Putin Intelligence
Putin is intelligent in formulating strategies and considering the
next steps for his opponent's response.
Putin Sesama Jenis
(pernikahan)
Putin LGBT
Putin's policy towards LGBT
Putin Islam
Putin Islam
Everything related to the keyword Islam or all statements that
relate it to the context of Islam (from a religious point of view).
Putin Palestina
Putin Palestine
Everything related to the keyword Palestine or all statements
relating to the context of Palestine (from a religious point of view).
Putin Maco
Putin Macho
Putin is a physically fit and strong man (looking at the physical
context of Putin).
Putin Seksi
Putin Sexy
Putin is a physically fit and strong man (looking at the physical
context of Putin).
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
105
Putin Beruang
Putin Bear
Putin is a person whose strength exceeds the bear (the strongest
animal symbol in Russia).
Putin Telanjang Dada
Putin Topless (Flexing
Chest)
Putin is physically fit and strong (looking at the physical context of
Putin and their response to his Picture topless riding a horse in
Serbia).
Putin Kekar
Putin Hefty
Putin is a physically fit and strong man (looking at the physical
context of Putin).
Putin Keker
Putin Hefty (Javanese)
Putin is a physically fit and strong man (looking at the physical
context of Putin).
Putin Bugar
Putin Fitness
Putin is a physically fit and strong man (looking at the physical
context of Putin).
Putin Nyali
Putin Courage
Putin was a man with great courage in facing all challenges and
enemies in front of his eyes without fear
Putin Laki laki
Putin Man
Putin is a masculine man, and all the points of view shape his figure
from a gender perspective.
Putin ukhuwah
Putin's Islamic Spirit
Putin is an actor that has an Islamic spirit
Putin umat
Putin Ummat
(Indonesian)
Putin as an actor that supports Islam in global conflict
Putin ummat
Putin Ummat
Putin as an actor that supports Islam in global conflict
Putin Chechnya
Putin Cechen
(Indonesian)
Tweets related to Putin and all information related to the Chechen
war
Putin Chechen
Putin Cechen (English)
Putin and all information about his position and relevance in the
war over the Cech in the past.
Source: Processed by author
We use two algorithms to explore how many interaction clusters are created from the
network and what is an influential narration in the network: modularity class and
weighted degree or degree centrality. The modularity class algorithm finds cluster
interaction created by actor interaction in the network. Modularity measures the density
of links inside communities compared to links between communities (Blondel et al.,
2008). Degree Centrality counts the number of relationships or relationships owned by
actors with other actors. The actor with the most relationships or having the highest
degree will become the center of a network and greatly influence the network (Umadevi,
2013). Based on these two algorithms, two insights are found that explain Contra-West
and Pro-Islam narratives among actors' interaction in the network.
Insight of Two Narratives: Contra-West and Pro-Islam
Here is the resume of insight from the network. Population means the number of actors
in each modularity. As mentioned above, the Weighted Degree algorithm decides which
narration is dominant in each cluster.
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
106
Table 2. List of Narratives
Narration
Putin's Courage and Intelligence Against the Status Quo (West)
Association of Putin as a pro-Islam actor & compares Ukraine and Palestine
Support for Putin with Islamic Narrative
Siding with Muslims & courage against the Westol;
Counter attitude towards Putin with Islamic narrative
Putin's rivalry with the West
The debate about Putin in the Ukraine war from an Islamic perspective
NATO's incompetence against Putin
Putin's Courage in the Economy
Support for Putin with Islamic Narrative
Putin's firmness and courage against NATO and the US
Comparing Putin's actions in Ukraine with Israel's actions in Palestine
Insinuating Putin from the family side
Source: Processed by author
The table above shows netizens' responses to Putin's masculinity are divided into two
contexts. Islamic context as much as 27.39%, and Putin's bravery toward the West as
much as 49.74%.
The picture below is the data visualization using Gephi Software and Frunchman Reingold
Layout to drill down the data. The visualization depicts the distribution of narratives in
the network. Color differentiation shows the actor's attitude or sentiment toward Putin.
The blue color represents supportiveness and admiration towards Putin. The red color
represents the contrary. In the beginning, we got the data about the actors' activities.
Then, we transformed the actors with the narratives they were discussing and put them
in the visualization. The label appearing in visualization is based on the influential
narration in each cluster. The bigger label means the narrative is influential in the
network.
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
107
Picture 1. Social Network Analysis
Source: Processed by the author using Gephi software
Based on the picture, Putin's bravery toward the Rothschild family and his intelligence
against NATO are dominant narratives in the network. Few narratives have a supporting
context for Putin, such as Putin's association as a pro-Islam person, Islamophobia in the
West, and NATO's incompetency in competing with Putin. However, this network also
contains a contrary context for Putin. The community of this narrative is not as massive
as the positive narrative. The network criticizes the impact of the Ukraine crisis on
Ukraine's Muslims. Also, there is a debate in the Islamic context about the Muslims that
support Russia in the competition with the West and Putin as a war criminal from the
Muslim perspective.
In the case of Putin's courage against the Status Quo (West), an actor with the username
@Yo2thok becomes the most influential actor who brings this information to his network.
Several tweets from this user can be categorized as positive commendation on Putin's
assertiveness in defending Russian foreign policy and offensive geopolitical strategy on
Donbas/ East Ukraine, tactical movement in minimizing NATO's with EU and US-backed
pressure, and positive sentiment on Russia's ability defending the less-powerful country
in Eastern Europe hemisphere. Moreover, a correlation between Putin's tactical
movement and @Yo2thok tweet is found with the association of Putin's image with acts
of courage compared with the conservative Muslim situation in Indonesia.
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Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
108
Russian President, Vladimir Putin suggests the youth generation read Al-
Qur'an, Bible, and Torah. He believes those scriptures can give the world
direction to become better. Do you agree? It is different from the Wakanda
state (refer to Indonesia), where the Islamic community is not solid because
of radical and intolerant propaganda.
1
The tweet above implies that the Indonesian government tends to be permissive
regarding radicalism. The user above juxtaposes Putin's arguably courageous behavior
to counter Islamic radicalism and Indonesia's permissive traits to radicalism. Moreover,
it then constructs an implicit feminization by framing that the Indonesian government
cannot match Putin's strong response to radicalism. Another response from @Mentimoen
framed that Putin better supports the Islamic cause in Palestine than the Indonesian
government. Below, the tweet also constructs two sides of the rope by coupling the US
and Russia dispute.
This war (Russia-Ukraine War) actually is a war between Russia and the US,
also Putin vs. Biden. Zelensky and Ukraine citizens are just the US's proxy.
The US empowers allies to donate weapons for Ukraine citizens, but the
ending is the Ukraine citizen's sacrificing.
The content interprets the Russia and Ukraine war as a proxy of Russia and US
competition. The actor thinks that the US has utilized Ukraine for its interest. Moreover,
the actor believes the US supports their alliances (Ukraine and Israel) by managing public
opinion. Information fabrication is operated to support the US agenda in global politics.
@Mentimoen also implies a similarity between the Israel-Palestine war and the Russia-
Ukraine in each tweet. The equalizing is in the proxy war context between the US and
Russia. He also equates Israel's war strategy against Hamas with Russia's strategy in the
Invasion of Ukraine. He stated that Russia imitates Israel's war strategy.
The content above frames the similarity of the Russia-Ukraine war with the Israel-
Palestine war, emphasizing the Islamic-related narrative. On the other hand, a counter-
narrative initiated by @Hasmibaktiar condemns Putin's attack on Ukraine by implying
that it is a war between the West and Russia in essence.
(Responding to a Muslim theology's video) Ukraine preacher urges Muslim people,
specifically in Syria, not to be involved in a crime with Putin in killing Ukraine
people. Ukraine's Muslims are an unspreadable element among Ukraine citizens.
Sadaqat, yaa Sheik (prayer), religious person for sure will reject killing.
The narrative tends to see Muslim people who have become victims of this war of the
West versus Russia. Both parties have done inappropriate actions toward Muslim people
1
The tweets quoted here are originally in Indonesian. We translated them to English using expression as
close as to the original text.
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
109
in the world. He also persisted that Palestinians has undergone similar attack for decades
and framed the West as a scapegoat instead.
In the case of Siding with Muslims and courage against the West, an actor with the
username @mohtahid becomes the most influential actor who brings this information to
his network.
Putin is braver against the West and their allies alone. Besides, our uncle
(refer to Jokowi) has no bravery against the cooking oil mafia. Putin and
Jokowi are not equal.
@mohtahid's narration compares Indonesia's government movement, which was
considered not brave enough compared to Putin's decision-making and public policy.
Putin is considered a brave man because of his courage to confront the West. Besides,
as mentioned, Indonesia is still uncertain about its domestic problems, such as the
cooking oil mafia problem.
The Romanticism of Putin's Masculinity
In this section, we examine the predominant narrative of how the netizen delivers the
message of Putin's courage to challenge the West in warfare. The notion was dominant
in our dataset by 49,79% and 27,39%. Below, we find the details quite intriguing since
it is divided into two: the articulation of Putin's bravery towards the West and how it is
related to the Islamic political context. To present an interpretation of the notion, we
employ a gender perspective to catch a glimpse of how masculinities are projected and
perceived.
The details show 36,44% of tweets or modules related to Putin's bravery in challenging
the Western status quo's power in Ukraine. Here, the West manifested in Rothschild and
NATO. Thus, the first nodes stipulate Putin's bravery as a sign of masculinity prior to his
dauntless to rock Rothschild and NATO, as we can notice from the @yo2thok below.
The US & the West hate Putin. Are there any world leaders that are brave
against Rothschild?
Subsequently, approximately 8,24% of the dataset is associated with Putin as a pro-
Islam leader, and 5,32% of tweets praise Putin's support for the Islamic agenda. There
is a remnant of netizens' perception of the pro-Islamic agenda as a masculine gesture,
as we can explore from the tweet from @kangprabuheru below.
Even Putin really respects Muslims, but in our country (Indonesia), fellow
Muslims say they are radical.
A similar nuance appears in the actor with no network influence. On the same pattern,
@ZainalAbdiAlam4 asserts that Putin is eligible to be a lifetime Indonesian president.
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Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
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Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
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Not only do you deserve to be elected three for Indonesia, but you also have
worthy of become president for a lifetime... It is all because of your love for
Muslims.
The first sentence mocked Joko Widodo's rumor of being nominated for President three
times in a row, which is deemed against the current constitution. Nevertheless, Putin's
perception as a pro-Islam leader still appears in this tweet. Even this actor hopes that
Putin can lead Indonesia for a lifetime. Based on this tweet, there is a romanticism of
Putin's persona as a masculine person who strives to protect Islam.
The mentioned data reveal how Indonesia's netizens perceive Putin's masculinity
projection. Following gender and colonialism relations, we interpret the information
cyclically. While Indonesia's netizens praised Putin for his bravery in waging war on
Ukraine, the country they perceived as the West puppet, at the same time, they
demonized the West for their masculinities articulation resembling domination. On one
side, the 36,44% nodes of Putin's Courage and Intelligence Against the Status Quo
illuminate the trace of deeming the West as colonial. The netizen firmly recognized the
status quo, which refers to how the West presence in Ukraine was recognized as a form
of colonialism. Thus, the narrative will follow. It is the nature of the colonial government
always to try to dominate, abuse, and subdue the rest. The netizen then projected
Rothschild and NATO's involvement in serving the Western colonial agenda toward
Ukraine.
In addition, the second layer serves as the hub to connect the interpretation of
colonialism and masculinities. In this sense, as Alloula (1986) scrutinized, groups of
societies that underwent a series of colonization, like Indonesia, would like to perceive
masculinities from the oppressed point of view. To maintain masculinity is to reject the
domination of outsiders who came to conquer and take away freedom and independence.
It also equips us with the cyclical point of view to comprehend the systematic thinking
from where the predominant narrative emerges. Combining both serves as a basis for
understanding the admiration narrative toward Putin. It links to Indonesian netizens'
expectations of ideal types of leaders based on their masculinity. The full descriptions
articulated around the colonial style of machismo, where masculinity positioned feminine
actors as subordinates (Connell 2005). Thus, it depicts Putin as an ideal leader by
projecting traditional masculinity values imposed by Indonesia's long-standing
colonialism stage while simultaneously demonizing the West as colonial.
The number perfectly fits Indonesia's hegemonic masculinity trajectory: the colonial
superior uniformed chief, the alpha male, and the bapakism ideology. Thus, we conclude
that the supporting narrative of Putin's bravery is derived from the imposed gender role,
where society is compelled to glorify masculinity.
The Lowy Institute survey supports the finding. The Indonesian public tends to put more
faith in the Indonesian Military Forces than the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to defend
Indonesia's strategic interests. The symbolism of the uniformed military plays a
significant role in influencing public opinion in which they symbolize masculine traits
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Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
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(Bland 2021). Hence, we apprehend that Indonesians choose to believe in a military
approach rather than diplomatic actors the way the colonial system used to be.
Feminization of the Indonesia Government
The third most extensive network revolves around the neutrality of the Indonesian
government conversations. The narrative goes along with the Indonesian public
statement to remain neutral in responding to this case (Antara News, 2022). The
neutrality sparks criticism from the second node, where most accounts incorporate a
consistent conventional Islamic narrative. Number-wise, 5,32% of the population
perceived Putin's action as being in line with the Islamic agenda while continuing to
criticize the Indonesian government for being neutral. Joko Widodo administration often
takes a hit of criticism from Islamic pressure groups such as the 212 movement. The
patterns continue to raise criticism of Indonesia's neutral traits in responding to the 2022
Russia invasion (JPNN, 2022).
The critics' formulation indicates that there has been a feminization of the Indonesian
government in the face of Russia. We find a trace of mocking while comparing Joko
Widodo and Putin's intelligence in response to Russia's Invasion of Ukraine. The
conversation deemed Putin brilliant, then put Joko Widodo at the end of another rope. A
network of ten tweets using hashtags #RakyatDijeratPutinDiperalat (people are being
ensnared, Putin is the scapegoat) are included. They praised Putin's appreciation gesture
to Muslims and compared it with Joko Widodo's regime, which condescends them as
radicals, and all are categorized in "Putin Islam" keywords. On that note, we interpret
the feminizing process as praising Putin's machoism and belittling Joko Widodo's
neutrality in responding to the Ukraine issue.
The belittlement had occurred long before the 2022 Russian invasion. In the 2019
Indonesia general election, the opposition raised political concerns that Indonesia needed
a more assertive and decisive leader, followed by Putin’s masculine depictions (Toriq,
2018). The same political representative also stated that Putin was an abbreviation of
Prabowo Untuk Indonesia (Prabowo for Indonesia) to burst a campaign supporting
Prabowo Subianto, Joko Widodo's arch-rival in the 2019 presidential election
(Dalimunthe, 2018). During the invasion, the opposition also played Putin’s masculinity
card to formulate a political attack on the administration (Andini, 2022). Depart from
that trajectory, we correlate that the support toward the feminization of the Indonesian
government narrative derived from a long opposition argument. Thus, in this case, it
transformed into social media articulations projecting real-world political occurrences.
Following that, the second narrative on this network revolves around urging the
Indonesian government to take sides with Russia for masculine reasons such as
intelligence, strong leadership, and strong military power. In this sense, the network set
Indonesia on the feminine side, which needs a strong actor to define its values.
Furthermore, it goes hand in hand with colonial gender roles where masculinity resembles
domination (Elmhirst, 2007). At the same time, one might find The Lowy Institute survey
once again illuminating. The survey provided numbers of Indonesia's most inspiring,
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
112
confident world leaders besides Joko Widodo. Saudi Arabia's Prince Mohammed bin
Salman Al Saud, United Arab Emirates Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Japan's
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, US President
Joe Biden, Russia President Vladimir Putin, and Prince of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi (Bland
2021). The survey was conducted before the Russian invasion. Thus, we find its relevance
in understanding the setting and context where the source of the narrative lies.
The data above strengthens our interpretation of social media networks in which the
predominant public favors leaders who represent absolute monarchs rather than
democratic values. The survey also includes Putin in the fourth position, from which we
affirm that number-wise, Indonesians are indeed awestruck by the symbolization of a
robust, effective, and assertive political leader. It matches with the social media finding
where there is a meaningful conversation about the Indonesian government's
insufficiency to respond to the Russian invasion firmly. Even before the invasion, Putin
was already a popular leader among Indonesians, and the invasion confirmed the claim
(BBC News Indonesia, 2022). Employing a gender and colonialism perspective, we
observe the tendency to position Indonesia's response as feminine towards Russia's
Invasion along this line. Russia is seen as the superior masculine, while Indonesia is
deemed as the feminine.
The example of Russia's superior narratives and Indonesia's feminization appeared in the
actor with the username @mohtahid. In the last part, @mohtahid also becomes the most
influential actor who brings these narratives to his network.
Putin is braver against the West and their allies alone. Besides, our uncle
(refer to Jokowi) has no bravery against the cooking oil mafia. Putin and
Jokowi are not equal.
@mohtahid's narration contains a comparison of how Indonesia and Russia behave in
handling a problem. With his bravery in fighting with the West alone, Putin is seen as a
masculine and superior person. In the same tweet, Jokowi, Indonesia's President, is
deemed not brave enough to handle the cooking oil mafia as a part of domestic issues.
Here, we capture how the tweet domesticated Joko Widodo compared to Putin, who is
considered brave enough to wage war against another state, while Jokowi was considered
to have failed in dealing with the cooking oil issue (CNBC Indonesia, 2022).
Another example of Indonesia's feminization narratives comes from @Denis_Hakkan. He
criticizes one of Indonesia's political parties, advising the Indonesian government not to
invite Putin to the G20 Summit. @Denis_Hakkan also expresses that Indonesia is just a
follower in global politics because they do not dare to take a stand. The critique typical
of the Indonesian government is always related to domestic issues. @Dennis_Hakkan
connects his critique with Parlement's advice to the executive. Meanwhile,
@Mustopa54537 spoke in the same tone:
Uncle Putin will lead all Indonesia region !! Only the fool makes noise about
electing the current President for the third time!!
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 14, Nº. 2 (November 2023-April 2024), pp. 98-116
Interpreting Indonesian Netizen response towards Putin’s masculinities
in the Russian invasion from a gender perspective
Dias Pabyantara Swandita Mahayasa, Bimantoro Kushari Pramono
113
Indonesia is trying to discuss the possibility of extending the Jokowi Presidency in the
third period. @Mustopa54537 illustrated that extending the Presidency in the third period
is good if Putin becomes Indonesia's President. He also implied that there are no
intelligent people in Indonesia. This statement tries to perceive Putin as intelligent
compared to the Indonesian government, which is only concerned with domestic issues
like the extension of the Presidency period. At this time, Joko Widodo was accused of the
intention to prolong his reign for the third time, which was considered against the
constitution (Yahya & Maullana, 2022). We found a trace of unjust comparison between
Putin’s bravery to wage war against another country and Joko Widodo's failure to handle
domestic issues. A consistent juxtaposition of Putin's presumably bravery and Joko
Widodo's act of uncertainty in the Russian invasion indicates a presence of feminization
in the Indonesian government by situating Joko Widodo as a leader who is occupied with
domestic affairs.
Conclusion
Right after the first attack launched in February 2022, the Indonesian netizen's response
on Twitter was massive. Beneath that pile of responses, we decipher two dominant
narratives the Indonesian netizens actively articulated. The first is praising Putin's
machoism, and the second is feminizing the Indonesian government by mocking
President Joko Widodo's administration. We conclude that both narratives emerged from
a patriarchal point of view dating back to colonization, which shaped the Indonesian
glorification of masculinities resembling domination. The long trajectory of hegemonic
masculinity imposed by the colonial regime prevailed until the contemporary era of
Indonesia. It then served as a basis for how society perceived gender relations, resulting
in the dominant narrative that employs dominant masculinities to support Russia's
invasion of Ukraine by focusing on Putin's masculinities. Nevertheless, we believe this
argument might ignite an open discussion on how gender's perspective deciphers the
foreign community's response toward particular foreign policy, primarily how the noise
in social media reflects on what is happening in the societal sphere following specific
foreign affairs.
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